English Only Hearing in the Senate

From: MMBelanger@aol.com
Date: Mon Dec 11 1995 - 22:04:38 EST


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From: MMBelanger@aol.com
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Subject: English Only Hearing in the Senate
Date: 11 Dec 1995 22:04:38 -0500
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I received by e-mail the following summary of last week's English Only
hearing in the Senate.  A number of you may have already gotten this; I
appologize for the repetition.  Unfortunately, the name of the author was not
included in the message I received.

Maurice Belanger
mmbelanger@aol.com

ORIGINAL MESSAGE:


						Dec. 7, 1995


	Update on English-only Legislation -- II



Changes for passage of English-only legislation seemed to be 
significantly enhanced, following a Dec. 6 hearing before the 
Senate Governmental Affairs Committee. Chances also seemed 
enhanced for amendments that would exempt Native American 
languages from some of the bill's restrictions, fostering a 
divide-and-conquer strategy against the legislation's opponents.

The committee heard testimony from eight witnesses in favor of 
S. 356, a measure that would declare English the nation's 
official language and severely restrict the federal government's 
use of other languages for public business. No opposing 
witnesses were invited to testify. Sen. Ted Stevens (R-Alaska), 
chair of the committee, announced his intention to convene a 
second hearing at an unspecified date "early next year" when 
other views might be heard. 

Advocates for language-minority groups protested their exclusion 
from the hearing, describing it as part of a troubling pattern. 
Raul Yzaguirre, president of the National Council of La Raza, 
noted that when a House education subcommittee heard testimony 
on similar "Language of Government" bills Nov. 1, the Republican 
majority allowed seven witnesses in favor and only one against. 
"What are proponents of English-only so afraid of?" he asked. 
"That a balanced hearing will reveal the inherent flaws of this 
legislation?"

Held on a day when the U.S. role in Bosnia commanded most 
senators' attention, the hearing attracted only three members of 
the Governmental Affairs committee. Besides Stevens, two 
Democrats were present for part of the proceedings, only one of 
whom, Sen. Daniel Akaka (D-Hawaii), expressed reservations about 
S. 356. Akaka began by agreeing with proponents' goal of 
"promoting linguistic unity" but said he worried that an 
English-only mandate might be disriminatory and ethnically 
divisive. He announced his plan to introduce amendments that 
would limit the legislation's impact on Native American 
languages. 

Sen. Stevens expressed his sympathy for the latter idea, noting 
his earlier support for the Native American Languages Acts and 
the Alaska Native Languages Act. (These recent laws endorse, 
among other things, the policy goal of preserving indigenous 
languages and authorize small grants for that purpose.) It was 
not clear whether Sen. Richard Shelby (R-Ala.), chief sponsor of 
S. 356, was equally amenable. Testifying before the committee, 
Shelby asserted that 323 languages are now spoken within the 
borders of the United States. If some are accommodated by 
government-sponsored programs, when will "multilingual demands" 
end? he asked. "The question is that if we choose to perform 
these federal services in several languages, how can we possibly 
say no to the individuals who speak Chinook Jargon or Micmac?" 

Stevens made it clear that his support for the legislation 
reflects concerns about the growth of immigrant languages and 
about bilingual education, which -- he charged -- has sometimes 
denied English-speaking children access to schooling in their 
native tongue. Recalling his close friendship with the late Sen. 
S. I. Hayakawa, founder of the modern English-only movement, 
Stevens said: "I share Sen. Hayakawa's aversion to the 
balkanization of California ... [with its southern half 
becoming] a Spanish-speaking state. California has tried to 
resist that, and I think nationally we ought to resist that."

For more than a decade, language-minority advocates have 
maintained a united front against the English-only movement. 
While it is widely acknowledged that immigrants are the primary 
target of this campaign, Native Americans have also suffered 
from its legal and political fallout. This year, for the first 
time, some of the latter now believe that they might be wise to 
make a "separate peace" with language restrictionists. It is 
tempting to argue that indigenous languages, which predated 
English on American soil, have a prior moral claim that 
immigrant languages do not have, and that federal programs for 
Native Americans should therefore be exempted from any English-
only mandate.

Sen. Stevens appears to be receptive to this logic and it is 
possible that other Western Republicans may be as well -- e.g., 
Senators McCain, Domenici, Campbell, Murkowski, and Hatch. 
Because these senators have previously spoken out against 
English-only measures, opponents had felt that chances for 
defeating the legislation are better in the Senate than the 
House (where one bill, H.R. 123, now has 191 cosponsors; 218 
votes are needed to pass legislation). Now prospects are less 
clear, especially since no senator has stepped forward this year 
to stage a forceful attack on S. 356. Still, the Senate vote is 
likely to be close. It could make a crucial difference if Native 
American groups drop their opposition in exchange for amendments 
to mitigate the bill's impact on their languages.

English Plus advocates argue that such a deal would be short-
sighted in any case. First, there would be no practical way to 
exempt indigenous languages from all the legal effects of the 
English-only bills now under consideration. While it might be 
possible to shield some Native American programs, S. 356 and 
H.R. 123 would (despite their sponsors' denials) seem implicitly 
to repeal the Bilingual Education Act. This could prove 
devastating to American Indian and Alaska Native schools, which 
rarely have alternative sources of support for native-language 
programs. Currently children from more than 70 Native American 
language groups are being served by federal bilingual education 
grants. When these grants are terminated, the programs are 
usually terminated as well.

Second, there would be no way to exempt Native Americans 
from the political impact of an English-only law. Xenophobes 
tend not to make fine distinctions. For many if not all English-
only advocates, the intent is to harass and denigrate people who 
look, sound, and live differently from members of the dominant 
culture. Native peoples meet these criteria as well as Hispanic 
and Asian immigrants. Even if enacted in a purely symbolic form, 
with no legal teeth, an English-only law would legitimate and 
encourage chauvinism toward all minority languages -- e.g., when 
it came time for Congress or state legislatures to appropriate 
money for language preservation programs. Public attitudes, now 
largely indifferent to the fate of endangered languages, would 
likely be harder to change or even become more hostile. 

On other issues, the Senate hearing featured familiar arguments 
by familiar witnesses, including Shelby, Reps. Toby Roth (R-
Wisc.) and Bill Emerson (R-Mo.), and Mauro Mujica, president of 
U.S. English, all of whom had previously testified before the 
House early childhood, youth, and families subcommittee. As in 
the House hearing, proponents recruited an array of first-
generation immigrants to regale the committee with arguments 
about the importance of learning English in the United States.

Shahab Qarni, a Pakistani, told senators that, as a world 
language, "English was the only thing that helped me survive" 
when stranded in various foreign airports. Sayyid Syeed, a 
Kashmiri linguist, testified that learning English is now a 
Muslim "religious duty" since it has become the language of the 
Koran for non-Arabic speakers. Miroslava Vukelich, a Serbian 
immigrant, also described English as "spiritually uplifting" and 
argued that making it official would "empower [Americans] to 
communicate and interact with one another and [avoid] the 
problems that confront the country of my birth, Yugoslavia." 
(She neglected to mention that most parties to the Bosnian 
conflict speak dialects of a single language, Serbo-Croatian.)

Few challenges were raised to the witnesses' testimony, except 
by Sen. Byron Dorgan (D-N.D.) in the matter of demographic 
claims being advanced by U.S. English. Citing census 
projections, Mujica said that the number of non-English-speakers 
is expected to reach 43 million, or 11.5 percent of the U.S. 
population, by the year 2050. But Dorgan referred to a letter 
from the Census Bureau, which reported there were 1.8 million 
non-English speakers (0.8 percent of U.S. residents) in 1990 and 
denied making any projections about future language use. 
Challenged to explain where he got his estimate, Mujica 
responded, "books and articles." Pressed harder, he conceded, "I 
couldn't tell you."

Without being challenged, Rep. Roth earlier made a more 
extravagant claim: that one in seven Americans do not speak 
English. Roth cited as his source the National Clearinghouse for 
Bilingual Education. In fact, according to the census, 
approximately one in seven U.S. residents spoke a language other 
than English in the home in 1990.

(The latter population increased substantially between 1980 and 
1990, as shown by an analysis of census data by Dorothy 
Waggoner, *Numbers and Needs*, Nov. 1995. But, among foreign-
born residents who speak other languages at home, the percentage 
who speak English "very well" increased more rapidly -- i.e., 
they are becoming more bilingual.)

Editorial note: If this report leads you to sense that the 
English-only threat looms larger than at any time in the past 
decade -- congratulations -- you've gotten the message. 
Unfortunately, not many others have.





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