English Only Legislation

From: NCFLRGS@aol.com
Date: Wed Dec 13 1995 - 15:05:32 EST


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From: NCFLRGS@aol.com
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Subject: English Only Legislation
Date: 13 Dec 1995 15:05:32 -0500
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This message is cross-posted from the NIFL-L  and NLA lists. (RGS)

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Mon, 11 Dec 1995 22:04:25 -0500
From: MMBelanger@aol.com
To: Multiple recipients of list <nifl-esl@literacy.nifl.gov>
Subject: English Only Hearing in the Senate

I received by e-mail the following summary of last week's English Only
hearing in the Senate.  A number of you may have already gotten this; I
appologize for the repetition.  Unfortunately, the name of the author was not
included in the message I received.

Maurice Belanger
mmbelanger@aol.com

ORIGINAL MESSAGE:
Dec. 7, 1995

Update on English-only Legislation -- II

Changes for passage of English-only legislation seemed to be 
significantly enhanced, following a Dec. 6 hearing before the 
Senate Governmental Affairs Committee. Chances also seemed 
enhanced for amendments that would exempt Native American 
languages from some of the bill's restrictions, fostering a 
divide-and-conquer strategy against the legislation's opponents.

The committee heard testimony from eight witnesses in favor of S. 356, a
measure that would declare English the nation's 
official language and severely restrict the federal government's use of other
languages for public business. No opposing witnesses were invited to testify.
Sen. Ted Stevens (R-Alaska), chair of the committee, announced his intention
to convene a second hearing at an unspecified date "early next year" when
other views might be heard. 

Advocates for language-minority groups protested their exclusion from the
hearing, describing it as part of a troubling pattern. Raul Yzaguirre,
president of the National Council of La Raza, noted that when a House
education subcommittee heard testimony on similar "Language of Government"
bills Nov. 1, the Republican majority allowed seven witnesses in favor and
only one against. "What are proponents of English-only so afraid of?" he
asked. "That a balanced hearing will reveal the inherent flaws of this
legislation?"

Held on a day when the U.S. role in Bosnia commanded most 
senators' attention, the hearing attracted only three members of the
Governmental Affairs committee. Besides Stevens, two 
Democrats were present for part of the proceedings, only one of whom, Sen.
Daniel Akaka (D-Hawaii), expressed reservations about S. 356. Akaka began by
agreeing with proponents' goal of 
"promoting linguistic unity" but said he worried that an 
English-only mandate might be disriminatory and ethnically 
divisive. He announced his plan to introduce amendments that 
would limit the legislation's impact on Native American 
languages. 

Sen. Stevens expressed his sympathy for the latter idea, noting 
his earlier support for the Native American Languages Acts and the Alaska
Native Languages Act. (These recent laws endorse, among other things, the
policy goal of preserving indigenous languages and authorize small grants for
that purpose.) It was not clear whether Sen. Richard Shelby (R-Ala.), chief
sponsor of S. 356, was equally amenable. Testifying before the committee,
Shelby asserted that 323 languages are now spoken within the borders of the
United States. If some are accommodated by government-sponsored programs,
when will "multilingual demands" end? he asked. "The question is that if we
choose to perform these federal services in several languages, how can we
possibly 
say no to the individuals who speak Chinook Jargon or Micmac?" 

Stevens made it clear that his support for the legislation 
reflects concerns about the growth of immigrant languages and about bilingual
education, which -- he charged -- has sometimes denied English-speaking
children access to schooling in their native tongue. Recalling his close
friendship with the late Sen. S. I. Hayakawa, founder of the modern
English-only movement, Stevens said: "I share Sen. Hayakawa's aversion to the
balkanization of California ... [with its southern half becoming] a
Spanish-speaking state. California has tried to resist that, and I think
nationally we ought to resist that."

For more than a decade, language-minority advocates have 
maintained a united front against the English-only movement. 
While it is widely acknowledged that immigrants are the primary target of
this campaign, Native Americans have also suffered from its legal and
political fallout. This year, for the first time, some of the latter now
believe that they might be wise to make a "separate peace" with language
restrictionists. It is tempting to argue that indigenous languages, which
predated English on American soil, have a prior moral claim that immigrant
languages do not have, and that federal programs for Native Americans should
therefore be exempted from any English-only mandate.

Sen. Stevens appears to be receptive to this logic and it is 
possible that other Western Republicans may be as well -- e.g., 
Senators McCain, Domenici, Campbell, Murkowski, and Hatch. 
Because these senators have previously spoken out against 
English-only measures, opponents had felt that chances for 
defeating the legislation are better in the Senate than the 
House (where one bill, H.R. 123, now has 191 cosponsors; 218 
votes are needed to pass legislation). Now prospects are less 
clear, especially since no senator has stepped forward this year to stage a
forceful attack on S. 356. Still, the Senate vote is likely to be close. It
could make a crucial difference if Native American groups drop their
opposition in exchange for amendments to mitigate the bill's impact on their
languages.

English Plus advocates argue that such a deal would be short-
sighted in any case. First, there would be no practical way to 
exempt indigenous languages from all the legal effects of the 
English-only bills now under consideration. While it might be 
possible to shield some Native American programs, S. 356 and 
H.R. 123 would (despite their sponsors' denials) seem implicitly to repeal
the Bilingual Education Act. This could prove devastating to American Indian
and Alaska Native schools, which rarely have alternative sources of support
for native-language programs. Currently children from more than 70 Native
American language groups are being served by federal bilingual education
grants. When these grants are terminated, the programs are usually terminated
as well.

Second, there would be no way to exempt Native Americans 
from the political impact of an English-only law. Xenophobes 
tend not to make fine distinctions. For many if not all English-
only advocates, the intent is to harass and denigrate people who look, sound,
and live differently from members of the dominant culture. Native peoples
meet these criteria as well as Hispanic and Asian immigrants. Even if enacted
in a purely symbolic form, with no legal teeth, an English-only law would
legitimate and encourage chauvinism toward all minority languages -- e.g.,
when it came time for Congress or state legislatures to appropriate money for
language preservation programs. Public attitudes, now largely indifferent to
the fate of endangered languages, would likely be harder to change or even
become more hostile. 

On other issues, the Senate hearing featured familiar arguments by familiar
witnesses, including Shelby, Reps. Toby Roth (R-Wisc.) and Bill Emerson
(R-Mo.), and Mauro Mujica, president of U.S. English, all of whom had
previously testified before the House early childhood, youth, and families
subcommittee. As in the House hearing, proponents recruited an array of
first-generation immigrants to regale the committee with arguments about the
importance of learning English in the United States.

Shahab Qarni, a Pakistani, told senators that, as a world 
language, "English was the only thing that helped me survive" 
when stranded in various foreign airports. Sayyid Syeed, a 
Kashmiri linguist, testified that learning English is now a 
Muslim "religious duty" since it has become the language of the 
Koran for non-Arabic speakers. Miroslava Vukelich, a Serbian 
immigrant, also described English as "spiritually uplifting" and 
argued that making it official would "empower [Americans] to 
communicate and interact with one another and [avoid] the 
problems that confront the country of my birth, Yugoslavia." 
(She neglected to mention that most parties to the Bosnian 
conflict speak dialects of a single language, Serbo-Croatian.)

Few challenges were raised to the witnesses' testimony, except by Sen. Byron
Dorgan (D-N.D.) in the matter of demographic claims being advanced by U.S.
English. Citing census projections, Mujica said that the number of
non-English-speakers is expected to reach 43 million, or 11.5 percent of the
U.S. population, by the year 2050. But Dorgan referred to a letter from the
Census Bureau, which reported there were 1.8 million non-English speakers
(0.8 percent of U.S. residents) in 1990 and denied making any projections
about future language use. Challenged to explain where he got his estimate,
Mujica responded, "books and articles." Pressed harder, he conceded, "I
couldn't tell you."

Without being challenged, Rep. Roth earlier made a more 
extravagant claim: that one in seven Americans do not speak 
English. Roth cited as his source the National Clearinghouse for Bilingual
Education. In fact, according to the census, 
approximately one in seven U.S. residents spoke a language other than English
in the home in 1990.

(The latter population increased substantially between 1980 and 1990, as
shown by an analysis of census data by Dorothy 
Waggoner, *Numbers and Needs*, Nov. 1995. But, among foreign-born residents
who speak other languages at home, the percentage who speak English "very
well" increased more rapidly -- i.e., they are becoming more bilingual.)

Editorial note: If this report leads you to sense that the 
English-only threat looms larger than at any time in the past 
decade -- congratulations -- you've gotten the message. 
Unfortunately, not many others have.



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