[NIFL-POVRACELIT:1132] Minority Students With Complex Beliefs About Ethnic Identity Perform Better in School

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Monday, June 2, 2003

THE CHRONICLE OF HIGHER EDUCATION

Minority Students With Complex Beliefs About Ethnic Identity Are Found to Do
Better in School By DAVID GLENN

Atlanta

Ethnic-minority adolescents tend to do better in school if they have
relatively complex beliefs about their ethnic identities, according to three
studies presented on Friday at the annual meeting of the American
Psychological Society here. The findings may suggest answers to paradoxes in
the existing social-science literature on ethnicity and school performance.

The studies, whose lead author is Daphna Oyserman, an associate professor of
psychology at the University of Michigan, examined the "racial self-schemas"
of African-American, Latino, and Native American adolescents in the American
Midwest, and of Arab students in Israel. Ms. Oyserman and her colleagues
interviewed the students about how, if at all, their ethnicity shaped their
self-concepts, and then compared those interviews to the students' grades
and school attendance or to their persistence on a mathematical task.

The researchers grouped the students' racial self-concepts into four
categories, two of which appear to be correlated with better academic
performance and two with disengagement. (Students were sorted into the four
categories by research assistants who coded their interview answers; the
assistants were kept blind to the students' academic performance and to the
hypothesis of the study.)

The two apparently helpful types of racial self-concept are relatively
complex. One of them, which Ms. Oyserman terms a "dual identity," is an
optimistic, assimilationist position, in which students have positive
beliefs both about their own ethnic group and about their membership in the
larger society. The second type, which the researchers call a "minority"
identity, combines positive beliefs about the student's ethnic group with
skepticism toward the larger society. Students with "minority" identities
vigilantly watch for instances of prejudice, but they remain pragmatically
engaged with the larger society even as they criticize it.

In all three studies, students with these complex self-concepts were
significantly more likely than their peers to perform well on school tasks.
The "dual" and "minority" identities appear to be equally helpful; Ms.
Oyserman and her colleagues have not yet detected a significant difference
between their effects.

In contrast to those two helpful, complex self-concepts are
"in-group-focused" identities and "aschematic" identities.
"In-group-focused" students -- who were by far the largest category in the
American, but not the Israeli, studies -- have positive beliefs about their
in-group but express no sense of membership in the larger society, not even
the skeptical engagement claimed by the "minority" students. These highly
alienated students tend to reject norms of academic achievement and to
embrace an "oppositional culture" of the sort identified by John U. Ogbu, a
professor of anthropology at the University of California at Berkeley.

"Social-identity theorists have said that it's important to have a positive
in-group identity, but they've sort of left it at that," said Ms. Oyserman
in an interview. "I thought, Hmm, well, is it really that simple? It seemed
to me that there are multiple ways that you can have a racial schema."

Ms. Oyserman's work may help to untangle the puzzle of self-esteem studies,
according to Susan T. Fiske, a professor of psychology at Princeton
University and the departing president of the society. In an interview, Ms.
Fiske said that many African-American students report that they care a great
deal about education, and yet retain positive self-concepts even as they
withdraw from schoolwork. Ms. Oyserman's studies, she said, "might begin to
explain how this could be so." (In April, the society issued a report that
generally debunks the notion that self-esteem is important to one's
competence, happiness, or
health.)

In the final category are students with "aschematic" ethnic identities
-- meaning that they do not incorporate race or ethnicity into their
self-concepts. When asked about what their ethnicity means to them, these
students tend to answer, "Nothing. Groups don't matter. Deep down we're all
human."

"It sounds lovely," said Ms. Oyserman. "They say things that are very
humanitarian and universalistic." Unhappily, however, in her studies those
students tended to disengage from academic tasks -- not quite as severely as
the "in-group-focused" students, but significantly more so than the students
with "dual" or "minority" identities. Ms. Oyserman hypothesizes that these
students are especially vulnerable to "stereotype threat," a phenomenon
identified by Claude M. Steele, a professor of psychology at Stanford
University. In dozens of studies during the past decade, Mr. Steele and his
colleagues have found that ethnic-minority students do worse on academic
tasks if they are reminded of racist stereotypes (subtly or blatantly) just
before beginning the task.

Aschematic students, Ms. Oyserman suggested, "don't have a pre-organized
framework for dealing with prejudice or buffering themselves from
stereotyping. So it rattles them each time they encounter it."

Ms. Oyserman said she hoped that her framework might help to build
connections between Mr. Ogbu's approach, which focuses on students' peer
cultures, and Mr. Steele's theory of stereotype threat, which focuses on
students' individual performance anxiety. As Mr. Steele has acknowledged,
stereotype threat cannot by itself account for the academic troubles of
highly alienated students. "The in-group-only kids aren't
stereotype-threatened," Ms. Oyserman said, "because they're not in a place
to be threatened in the first place. They've already disengaged. They're not
up at bat."

In a telephone interview, Mr. Ogbu said that he is generally sympathetic to
Ms. Oyserman's framework, although he believes that oppositional cultures
can only be fully understood through ethnographic study, not by examining
the beliefs of individual students in isolation. He said that he hopes that
students and parents can be encouraged to adopt either the "dual" or the
"minority" identity described in her model: taking responsibility for their
education and engaging with school. Even parents and students who are highly
skeptical about white-dominated institutions, which Mr. Ogbu personally is
not, should say to themselves, "Your enemy doesn't have to love you for you
to learn something from him," he said.

Ms. Oyserman, too, hopes that students' ethnic identities can be made more
complex through conscious interventions. For four years, she and her
colleagues have been conducting an after-school program with
African-American eighth-graders in Detroit, encouraging them to develop a
"fight" rather than a "flight" response when they encounter prejudice and
other obstacles. Early evidence suggests, she said, that students who go
through this program have more complex ethnic self-concepts than their peers
even two years after completing the program.

Ms. Oyserman's studies will be published later this year in Social
Psychology Quarterly.


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Copyright C 2003 by The Chronicle of Higher Education



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